The confrontation over the National Education Policy (NEP) between the Tamil Nadu government and the Centre is setting the stage for the 2026 electoral battle in the state. While the Centre has strongly maintained that there won’t be any Hindi imposition through the three-language policy of the NEP, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) refuses to budge. It is playing on an emotive political narrative in a state where electoral politics and identity have always revolved around the issue of language.
The History Of The Two-Language Policy
It was in 1968 that the DMK officially enforced the two-language policy in the state, shortly after coming to power. Under then Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai, the Tamil Nadu government passed a resolution in the state assembly that year, categorically rejecting the Parliament’s official language resolution providing for a three-language formula. Since then, successive DMK and AIADMK-led governments have favoured the two-language system in the state.
The protection and propagation of the Tamil language was the cornerstone of post-Independence Dravidian politics in the state. While it was not the only agenda, it was arguably the most emotive ideological and electoral issue and one that propelled the DMK to great heights after its formation in 1949. The formation of the linguistic states of the South in 1956, following a fierce anti-Hindi agitation in the 1950s, is a well-recorded phase. The heavy influence of Dravidian parties and political ideology over Tamil Nadu since 1967 has made language almost a ‘non-negotiable’ issue.
Can Language Still Shape Politics?
Given this backdrop, the confrontation over the three-language policy of the NEP is not a surprise. In the present context, the question is whether language is still as powerful an electoral issue as it once was. It is emotive and defines the identity of the state, but in India of 2025, does it still have the same electoral appeal?
While the three-language policy of the NEP states that any Indian language could be a third language and that there is no imposition of Hindi as the third one, the DMK’s counterargument is two-fold. First, it argues that no matter the words in the policy document, in practice, the third language would most likely become Hindi in all schools, as is the case now in CBSE schools. Second, it stresses that any pressure to abide by the NEP—an issue that blew up after Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan said the Centre would not release funds if Tamil Nadu did not implement the NEP—violates the state’s rights. The subtext that DMK leaders are building into their narrative is that a uniform national policy and an imposition of Hindi, whether directly or indirectly, will help the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) expand their ideological influence in the state.
The 3 Dimensions Of The Debate
The DMK has been demanding that education be brought back to the State List from the Concurrent List. This is important because post-1976, when education became part of the Concurrent List, several central board schools in Tamil Nadu have had Hindi as a third, or even a second language. In fact, many private state board schools offer a third-language principle. Only state-run schools follow a two-language principle to ensure that Tamil is learnt as a matter of principle.
Currently, the DMK is projecting the NEP debate in three dimensions. First, as a Centre vs. State issue of federalism—the flashpoint is the Centre refusing funds if the state doesn’t implement it. Second, as a matter of alleged Hindi imposition. And third, as a Dravidian politics-versus-Hindutva confrontation.
This ideological battle and the assertion of the Tamil identity have been the DMK’s main electoral planks since 2019. They yielded rewards for the party in 2019, 2021, and 2024, and, in the absence of a strong personality in the opposition AIADMK after the demise of J. Jayalalithaa, successfully projected the M.K. Stalin and his DMK as the only champion of the Dravidian cause in the state.
Naturally, the DMK expects that the tussle with the Centre will bolster its position for the 2026 polls. The party has been at loggerheads with the Centre over the UGC draft guidelines too, claiming that they curb state powers. Already, the DMK government and Governor RN Ravi are engaged in a long-drawn-out battle over appointments of university vice-chancellors.
Why BJP Must Proceed With Caution
The Centre and the BJP need to handle this deftly. The more they make it a political and ideological confrontation, the more aggressive and powerful the DMK might get. Any coercion, or a step seen as such, could be electorally detrimental and alienate potential regional allies. Shaping this debate as an intellectual one, rather than as an ideological and political battle, is crucial.
In any case, there are sharp intellectual questions about whether being in favour of protecting Tamil necessarily means opposing Hindi. Wise is perhaps one who can enjoy and cherish the legendary Tamil poet Kannadasan as much as he does the Hindi lyricist Gulzar, and be inspired by the revolutionary writings of C. Subramania Bharati (Bharatiyar) as much as by those of Bismil Azimabadi and Faiz Ahmed Faiz.
Legendary poet-saint Thiruvalluvar wrote in one of his couplets in the Thirukkural, “to live as the world lives is wisdom”. Times are changing—should this confrontation and debate over language also change with the times? Irrespective of the intellectual contestations, the ideological and political confrontation is only growing more intense and emotive. The finer points may just be lost in translation.
(The author is Executive Editor, NDTV)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author